In two recent waves, protests against France’s anti-social policies have gained renewed momentum. In the past years, numerous demonstrations have been organized against labor market and pension reforms, peaking on March 7, 2023, when 3.5 million people, according to union estimates, protested against the pension reform. This year, two nationwide days of action have already taken place: the first on September 10 under the slogan “Bloquons tout!” (“Let’s block everything!”) and the second on September 18 with the motto “Les sacrifices pour le monde du travail, ça suffit!” (“Enough sacrifices for the world of work!”). Alongside demonstrations and blockades, many strikes were held, particularly on the second day of action. These mobilizations were preceded by the dramatic defeat of the French government in a vote of confidence in the National Assembly on September 8, leaving President Macron’s newly appointed Prime Minister as head of a caretaker government.
Source : Etos Media, 26 Sep 2025, Armin Duttine
Grassroots Strikes and Union Structures
Compared to Germany, strikes in France often originate at the grassroots level and are decided locally in so-called general assemblies, where even non-unionized employees can participate. With only around 10% of workers unionized, France has one of the lowest unionization rates in Europe, although public sector union membership is higher. Unlike Germany, workers in France have an individual right to strike, including for political goals. Moreover, France has no unified trade union system comparable to the German DGB, but instead a variety of often politically distinct union confederations. Left-oriented unions—CGT (the second largest union federation and the largest in the public sector), Solidaires, and FSU (mainly in education), sometimes together with CGT-FO—frequently organize joint actions, notably during past battles against pension and labor law reform. Occasionally, broader coalitions are achieved, such as on this year’s second day of action, when even moderate unions like CFDT (formally the largest confederation), UNSA, CFE-CGC (for managers), and the Christian-oriented CFTC joined the mobilizations.
First Day of Action: September 10
The first day drew inspiration from the call for blockades launched by anarchist circles in 2016 during Hollande’s labor reform, which spread largely via social media. The movement quickly gained support from La France Insoumise (LFI, France Unbowed) and from local union branches of CGT, Solidaires, and CGT-FO. Some entire union sectors also issued calls to action, including CGT federations for health and social services, local government, and chemical industries. While the two September days of action were initially debated as rival initiatives, CGT and many of its federations supported both.
On September 10, up to 250,000 people took to the streets, with demonstrations occurring nationwide, including in smaller towns, though most strongly in France’s politically left-leaning West. Strikes hit services such as Paris public transport, SNCF railway maintenance, and education, with CGT and Solidaires playing a leading role. Since Wednesdays are a lighter workday in France because of school schedules, many employees could participate individually. Alongside union members, participants included supporters of LFI, autonomous groups (including demonstrators in front of CGT’s headquarters), former Yellow Vests, students, and school pupils. Much of the mobilization was driven by younger participants, especially through school and university blockades. However, blockade actions were quickly broken up by the 80,000 police and gendarmes deployed.
Second Day of Action: September 18
The second strike and action day saw much higher turnout, with union sources citing around 1 million participants—double that of the first day. Calls to mobilize were issued jointly in late August by the umbrella organizations CFDT, CGT, CGT-FO, CFE-CGC, CFTC, UNSA, FSU, and Solidaires, thus covering almost the entire union spectrum. Participation also came from students and school pupils, who blocked many institutions. Strikes by teaching staff were widespread; according to FSU unions, a third of elementary teachers and around 45% in middle and high schools went on strike. In Toulon, demonstrators linked their protests to solidarity actions for two pupils arrested during a school blockade. Demonstrations also connected the struggle against austerity with calls for peace, particularly in Gaza, as Palestinian flags were raised in marches. Grenoble’s march, for example, was led under the slogan: “Contre la casse sociale, pour la paix, l’égalité et la justice!” (“Against social cutbacks, for peace, equality, and justice!”). Major demonstrations took place in Paris, as well as in the South and West of the country.
Union Demands and Political Fallout
The first action day focused on opposing the government’s planned €44 billion austerity measures outlined by Prime Minister Bayrou’s cabinet. Participating groups raised demands for public services, higher wages and pensions, tax justice, and ecological transformation. The August union call ahead of the September 18 actions rejected numerous government plans: eliminating two public holidays, cuts in public services, harsher labor laws, a new unemployment reform, freezing social benefits and civil service pay, delinking pensions from inflation, doubling medical co-payments, and even questioning France’s fifth week of paid vacation. They also denounced tax breaks for the wealthy and the €211 billion in subsidies granted to big corporations. The unions demanded sufficient funding for public services, measures against precariousness, investment in a fair ecological transition and reindustrialization, protection from layoffs, taxation of great wealth and top incomes, and the reversal of Macron’s pension reform raising the retirement age to 64. A related union petition had already reached 350,000 signatures by late August.
Unions gave the new Prime Minister Lecornu until September 24 to respond, warning that if ignored, further strikes and protests would quickly follow. Continuation is highly likely. Discussions are already taking place about escalating the struggle through renewable strikes (“grèves reconductibles”) instead of single-day actions. Widespread discontent with Macron’s government is evident, with two-thirds of the population opposed to his policies and nearly two-thirds demanding his resignation, though his term runs until spring 2027. LFI has centered its campaign around Macron’s resignation and new elections, demands echoed widely on the streets. The left-wing alliance “Nouveau Front Populaire” (New Popular Front), uniting LFI, the Socialist Party, the Communist Party, and the Greens, is divided on this issue, as the Socialists and Communists have signaled openness to joining a government. In contrast, unions are prioritizing concrete policy achievements rather than calls for resignation or elections.
The far-right Rassemblement National (RN) also demands Macron’s resignation and early elections, but its role in the street protests remains uncertain. While fears initially arose that the far right would join in large numbers, this has not materialized, though RN continues to lead polls in political surveys.
European Dimension
The French protests have already attracted attention in Germany. On September 17, ver.di chair Frank Werneke issued a statement of solidarity: “The struggle of French unions is our struggle too: for social justice, for the protection and expansion of the welfare state, for decent work, and for dignity in old age.”
As many European countries, including Germany, prepare similar social cutbacks and erosions of labor rights, particularly in connection with war-related budgets, the question arises whether France’s movement could mark the beginning of a Europe-wide protest wave. Key upcoming events include the international peace conference in Paris on October 4–5, 2025, with union participation, and the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) day of action scheduled for February 16, 2026.
